Hi, you just need to make a concept map. I have attach one file of question and one file of sample how to make it.You needs to include consider reading while doing that. Not your own points.All files attached.
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An alt-right protestor promoting the idea of ‘white genocide’ at a rally in Washington on the anniversary of the deadly Charlottesville protest.
Michael Reynolds/EPA
How believers in ‘white genocide’ are spreading their hate-filled message in Australia
Published: November 30, 2018 6.07am AEDT
Kaz Ross, University of Tasmania
Author
Kaz Ross
Lecturer in Asian Studies, University of Tasmania
Disclosure statement
Kaz Ross does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
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This piece is part of a series on race and racism in Australia. The series examines this complex and incendiary topic, and the role it plays in contemporary Australia.
In October, the ABC’s Background Briefing outlined how the NSW Young Nationals Party had been the target of an organised infiltration attempt by members with neo-Nazi or “alt-right” views. Once this infiltration was exposed, 22 members were banned for life and individuals in other extremist groups were barred from becoming future members.
The group’s aim was to influence party policy in the area of immigration, as shown in motions they proposed at the Young Nationals’ annual conference. Controversially, they w
52 The concept of racism
Chapter 2
analytical concept. Using the concepts of racialisation, racism and exclusionary practice to identify specific means of effecting the reproduction of the capitalist mode of production, one is able to stress consistently and rigorously the role of human agency, albeit always constrained by particular historical and material circumstances, in these processes, as well as to recognise the specificity of particular forms of oppression.
Nationalism and racism: antithesis and articulation
It is sometimes said that butlers only truly exist in England. Other countries, whatever title is used, have only manservants. I tend to believe this is true. Continentals are unable to be butlers because they are as a breed incapable of the emotional restraint which only the English race is capable of. Continentals – and by and large the Celts, as you will no doubt agree – are as a rule unable to control themselves in moments of strong emotion, and are thus unable to maintain a professional demeanour other than in the least challenging of situations.
(Ishiguro 1990: 43)
INTRODUCTION
More than a decade ago, Tom Naim claimed provocatively that the theorisation of nationalism was one of the greatest failures of Marxism (1981: 329). It is not clear whether this charge, or world events themselves, were responsible for the subsequent flurry of theoretical writing on nationalism by writers who identify themselves in one way or another with the Marxist traditior. (e.g. Anderson 1983, Blaut 1987, Hobsbawm 1990, Nimni 1991).
Fortunately, most of these writers have avoided attempting to rectify this failure by seeking to imagine, on the basis of the scattered fragments and claims throughout the ‘collected works’, what Marx would have said if he had lived longer. While there is some value in identifying and reflecting on the nature of Marx’s theory of nationalism (Haupt et al. 1974, Cummins 1980, Connor 1984, Blaut 1987, Nimni 1991), such as it was (although to call it a theory is perhaps to exaggerate the significance of the fragments), its problems and contradictions, along with the political transformation of the world capitalist system in the past century, limit its
54 The concept of racism
Nationalism and racism: antithesis and articulation 55
utility in the light of contemporary realities. The theorising of the past decade (both Marxist and non-Marxist) has been especially concerned with the current significance of nationalism, but has also sought to trace its origins in the interstices of the historical development of capitalism or, in the case of the influential writing of Gellner (1983), in the transition from agrarian to industrial society.
The publication of these texts has been paralleled by an increasing interest in the nature and origin of nationalism on the part of writers concerned with the expression of contemporary racisms in Europe (e.g. Gilroy 1987, Balibar and Wallerstein 1991). In various ways, these writers have argued th
The Australian Journal of Indigenous Education
Volume 43
Number 1
pp. 58–72
C© The Authors 2014
doi 10.1017/jie.2014.8
Four Scholars Speak to Navigating the Complexities of Naming in Indigenous Studies
Bronwyn Carlson, 1 Jeff Berglund, 2 Michelle Harris3 and Evan Te Ahu Poata-Smith1 1 Indigenous Studies Unit, Faculty of Law, Humanities and the Arts, University of Wollongong, Wollongong, New South Wales, Australia 2 Ethnic Studies and Applied Indigenous Studies, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff, Arizona, USA 3 Department of Sociology and Social Work, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff, Arizona, USA
Universities in Australia are expanding their Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies programs to include Indigenous populations from around the globe. This is also the case for the Indigenous Studies Unit at the University of Wollongong (UOW). Although systems of nomenclature in Indigenous Studies seek to be respectful of difference, the politics of naming in the global context raises some complexities worthy of discussion. In this article, four scholars discuss the politics of naming in relation to teaching a joint Indigenous Studies subject at the UOW and Northern Arizona University.
Keywords: Indigeneity, language use, terminology, nomenclature
Background
In 2011, the Aboriginal Studies program at the Univer sity of Wollongong (UOW) was renamed to Indigenous Studies in a move to expand its focus to include Indige nous populations from around the globe. The new global focus led to the development of new curriculum and the incorporation of global Indigenous perspectives into some existing content. A new first-year undergraduate subject was developed that focused on Indigenous knowledge globally, and the Indigenous Studies team expanded to include a Māori scholar. Although the teaching team has always included non-Aboriginal members, the label ‘non Aboriginal’ now included an Indigenous person from another country. Building on the expansion of the pro gram, members of the Indigenous Studies team established The Forum for Indigenous Research Excellence (FIRE). FIRE is a global research group whose members are based anywhere in the world; each maintains an active involve ment and/or interest in research activities in an Indige nous context. Resources in regard to terminology and Indigenous peoples can also be found on the FIRE website (http://lha.uow.edu.au/hsi/research/fire/index.html).
Members of the Indigenous Studies team at UOW have been working with scholars from Northern Ari zona University (NAU) for the past 5 years. This rela tionship includes both teaching and research projects that have focused on global Indigenous identity, and has resulted in a range of outcomes, including an edited vol
ume, The Politics of Identity: Emerging Indigeneity (Harris,
Carlson, & Poata-Smith, 2013) and a collaborative cur riculum project. In 2013, scholars from UOW spent time at NAU collaborating on the development of a second year undergraduate
Embodying the Australian Nation and
Silencing History
Mary OʼDowd
The old adage ‘silence speaks louder than words’ does not mean that silence is simply a passive absence. As renowned playwright Harold Pinter demonstrated, silence has a power to communicate and dominate. This article explores the endurance of the Great Australian Silence over the history of our colonial past and the con – tinuing colonization of Indigenous people. 1 Despite the intro – duction of Indigenous Studies and Indigenous History into school and university programs, and despite the heartfelt statements that Australians often use to understand their own history, that understanding remains partial. The desire to engage with this history is problematic. 2 This article argues that the failure of a more 1 I acknowledge the Wiradjuri people as the custodians of the land in which I worked in
Wagga Wagga. I pay respect to their elders, both past and present, and thank them for their help — especially Aunty Isobel Reid, Muk Muk Burke and the staff at Ngungilanna. The article uses the term ‘Indigenous people’ to include both Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, except where it specifically refers to Aboriginal people. This is not to homogenize the views of Indigenous people, just as it is important not to homogenize all non-Indigenous people as holding the same view of Indigenous people. This article is written by a non-Indigenous person.
2 The very existence of the so-called History Wars (for example, Macintyre and Clark) indicates the dis-ease of non-Indigenous engagement with this history. Tertiary academics report student resistance to this engagement: for example, R. Williams, ‘“Why Should I Feel
embracing history to penetrate, more than partially, into the educa – tion system and popular understanding is a product of a particular national imagination embodied in projections of the Australian landscape and the Australian individual. The case is put that a particular way of framing the embodiment of national identity and the land has created an imagining of ‘Australianness’ that impacts on our capacity to hear and accept the history of Indigenous coloniza – tion. It argues that this embodiment, when accepted uncritically, perpetuates not simply a silence but an un-history, a not-telling, a non-acceptance of colonial history post-1788.
The silencing of the history of the interface of non-Indigenous people with Indigenous people began around the 1880s at the time when a strong political move was being made for the federation of Australia. In 1968, William Stanner called it ‘The Great Australian Silence’. 3
Yet nearly half a century later in the early twenty-first century, the silence on this past has a disturbing continuity which is damaging to both peoples. Despite some vocal intrusions into the silence, there continues to be a reluctance on the part of students to listen to this history. 4 There is a reluctance of teachers to teach this history. 5 And there is a s
COPYRIGHT © 2016 NGÄ PAE O TE MÄRAMATANGA
“I’M JUST AS INDIAN STANDING
BEFORE YOU WITH NO FEATHERS
POPPING OUT OF MY HEAD”
Critiquing Indigenous performativity in the
YouTube performances of the 1491s
Jeff Berglund*
Abstract
This article analyzes two YouTube videos by the 1491s, a Native American sketch comedy troupe.
By using the interpretive framework of social media and film studies, which considers the role
of viewership and fan participation in shaping reception, this article argues that the 1491s chal-
lenge Indigenous people to resist becoming complicit in the processes of simulation through an
assertion of “visual sovereignty”. Additional analysis examines a representative range of viewers’
responses to the videos to flesh out how the 1491s’ work is understood and valued by various
viewers, many of whom take the opportunity to self- identify as Native American. Taken together
with additional insights provided by the performers themselves, this article assesses how comedy
is used to draw attention to the ironic situation of Native people “redfacing,” of fabricating false
and stereotypical identities, to appeal to non- Native peoples, particularly consumers, but also
to enact critiques.
Keywords
YouTube, performativity, simulation, redface, visual sovereignty, humor
* Professor of English and Director of Liberal Studies, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff, Arizona, United States.
Email: jeff.berglund@nau.edu
DOI: 10.20507/AlterNative.2016.12.5.8
J. BERGLUND542
ALTER NATIVE VOLUME 12, ISSUE 5, 2016
When members of the 1491s, a Native American
sketch comedy troupe, were asked what their
purpose was at a TEDx event in 2013, they first
offered a humorous retort: “The 1491s is raw
sex mostly. Passion. Lust. Betrayal. Nudity.
Mostly male.” After this joke was out of the
way, or, more likely, after the joking answer
had opened the minds of the audience, their
second answer was more serious and theoreti-
cal: “Well, we generally talk about reclamation
of Native imagery because the colonial mind-
set has decided it’d be a good idea to warp
everybody’s view about what Native America
is” (TEDx Talks, 2013). Since 2009, the mem-
bers of the 1491s have been circulating their
work through YouTube and expanding their
audience by promoting their work via Twitter
and Facebook. As of September 2016, their
YouTube channel had 6,857,111 million hits
with 37,044 subscribers. They have nearly
60,000 followers on Facebook and 17,700
follow them on Twitter at @1491s.
1491s’ members hail from diverse tribal
nations in the United States. The four cen-
tral and founding members are Bobby Wilson
(Sisseton Dakota), Ryan Red Corn (Osage),
Dallas Goldtooth (Santee Dakota and Diné),
and Migizi Pensoneau (Ponca and Ojibwe).
They are routinely joined by Tito Ybarra
(Red Lake Band of Ojibwe) and Sterlin Harjo
(Mvskoke). Through their videos on YouTube
and through live performances the 1491s
stage interventions
Communicating positively
A guide to appropriate Aboriginal terminology
The painting – See when were talking right were walking in the right direction
The painting displays a centerpiece in the shape of an eye with the figures of people sitting around the inside. The dot work trailing from the mouths of the figures and blending into the circle of the eye is a representation of using the correct terminology.
Throughout the background there are lines of cross hatching which generally represent ownership or ownership of land. In this painting it is used as a symbol that we as people have ownership over our bodies and minds and therefore have a choice in the style of language that we use.
The footprints are seen heading in the one direction heading along the same dot work speech lines, to represent that once we have learnt the correct protocols and terminology we can utilize this and progress as a nation towards a brighter future.
The green circles which fade from dark to light in the center are representations of eradicating bad terminology and inappropriate use of dialogue, so that eventually through education of correct procedures these non-accepted ways will deteriorate.
By Kylie Cassidy Central Coast Aboriginal Artist
NSW DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH
73 Miller Street North Sydney NSW 2060 Tel. (02) 9391 9000 Fax. (02) 9391 9101
www.health.nsw.gov.au
This work is copyright. It may be reproduced in whole or in part for study training purposes subject to the inclusion of an acknowledgement of the source. It may not be reproduced for commercial usage or sale. Reproduction for purposes other than those indicated above, requires written permission from the NSW Department of Health.
© NSW Department of Health 2004 SHPN (AHB) 030102 ISBN 0 7347 3542 1 For further copies of this document please contact: Better Health Centre – Publications Warehouse Locked Mail Bag 5003 Gladesville NSW 2111 Tel. (02) 9816 0452 Fax. (02) 9816 0492 Further copies of this document can be downloaded from the NSW Health website: www.health.nsw.gov.au May 2004
Contents
Introduction …………………………………………………………………………..2
Terminology guide …………………………………………………………………4
Collective names used to describe Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people ………………………………………………………9
Terms associated with Aboriginal communities and community organisations ………………………………………………………..14
Other terms ………………………………………………………………………………..21
Terms not to be used ……………………………………………………………………29
Additional resources …………………………………………………………….31
References……………………………………………………………………………32
Introduction
Purpose
The purpose of this guide is
THE SPECTACLE OF THE ‘OTHER’
Stuart Hall
Contents
1 INTRODUCTION
1 . 1
Heroes or villains?
1.2 Why does ‘difference’ matter?
2 RACIALIZING THE ‘OTHER
2.1 Commodity racism: empire and the domestic world 2.2 Meanwhile, down on the plantation … 2.3 Signifying racial ‘difference’
3 STAGING RACIAL ‘DIFFERENCE’ ‘AND THE MELODY
LINGERED ON. . . ‘
3.1 Heavenly bodies
4 STEREOTYPING AS A SIGNIFYING PRACTICE
4.1 Representation, difference and power 4.2 Power and fantasy 4.3 Fetishism and disavowal
5 CONTESTING A RACIALIZED REGIME OF
REPRESENTATION
5.1 Reversing the stereotypes 5.2 Positive and negative images 5.3 Through the eye of representation
6 CONCLUSION
REFERENCES
READINGS FOR CHAPTER FOUR
READING A: Anne McClintock, ‘Soap and commodity spectacle’ READING B: Richard Dyer, ‘Africa’
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READING C: Sander Gilman, The deep structure of stereotypes’
READING D: Kobena Mercer, ‘Reading racial fetishism’
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CHAPTER -1
THE SPECTACLE OF THE ‘OTHER1
225
I Introduction
How do we represent people and places which are significantly different from us? Why is ‘difference’ so compelling a theme, so contested an area of representation? What is the secret fascination of ‘otherness’, and why is popular representation so frequently drawn to it? What are the typical forms and representational practices which are used to represent ‘difference’ in popular culture today, and where did these popular figures and stereotypes come from? These are some of the questions about representation which we set out to address in this chapter. We will pay particular attention to those representational practices which we call ‘stereotyping’. By the end we hope you will understand better how what we call ‘the spectacle of the “Other”‘ works, and be able to apply the ideas discussed and the sorts of analysis undertaken here to the mass of related materials in contemporary popular culture — for example, advertising which uses black models, newspaper reports about immigration, racial attacks or urban crime, and films and magazines which deal with ‘race’ and ethnicity as significant themes.
The theme of ‘representing difference’ is picked up directly from the previous chapter, where Henrietta Lidchi looked at how ‘other cultures’ are given meaning by the discourses and practices of exhibition in ethnographic museums of ‘the West’. Chapter 3 focused on the ‘poetics’ and the ‘polities’ of exhibiting — both how other cultures are made to signify through the discourses of exhibition (poetics) and how these practices are inscribed by relations of power (politics) — especially those which prevail between the people who are represented and the cultures and institutions doing the representing. Many of the same concerns arise again in this chapter. However, here, racial and ethnic difference is foregrounded. You should bear in mind, however, that what is said about racial difference could equally be applied in
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Sissons, J 2005, ‘Oppressive authenticity’, in First Peoples: Indigenous Cultures and their Futures, Reaktion Books, London, pp37-59.
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